‘A Contribution to the Critique of Hegel's Philoso... Marx: Early Political Writings Marx: Early Political Writings Chapter Chapter Aa Aa Get access Check if you have access via personal or institutional login Log in Register 3 3 . On the contrary, in Germany, where practical life is as spiritless as spiritual life is unpractical, no class in civil society has any need or capacity for general emancipation until it is forced by its immediate condition, by material necessity, by its very chains. The Peasant War, the most radical fact of German history, came to grief because of theology. 5) "Contribution to the Critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right": 2,850 6) "Contribution to the Critique of the Hegel's Philosophy of Right": 1 So I guess the current title is the most correct after all. It will be comparable to a fetish worshipper pining away with the diseases of Christianity. For the storming of this emancipatory position, and hence for the political exploitation of all sections of society in the interests of its own section, revolutionary energy and spiritual self-feeling alone are not sufficient. If we now consider the German governments, we find that because of the circumstances of the time, because of Germany’s condition, because of the standpoint of German education, and, finally, under the impulse of its own fortunate instinct, they are driven to combine the civilized shortcomings of the modern state world, the advantages of which we do not enjoy, with the barbaric deficiencies of the ancien régime, which we enjoy in full; hence, Germany must share more and more, if not in the reasonableness, at least in the unreasonableness of those state formations which are beyond the bounds of its status quo. But will the monstrous discrepancy between the demands of German thought and the answers of German reality find a corresponding discrepancy between civil society and the state, and between civil society and itself? The following exposition [a full-scale critical study of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right was supposed to follow this introduction] – a contribution to this undertaking – concerns itself not directly with the original but with a copy, with the German philosophy of the state and of law. We are philosophical contemporaries of the present without being its historical contemporaries. This struggle against the limited content of the German status quo cannot be without interest even for the modern nations, for the German status quo is the open completion of the ancien régime and the ancien régime is the concealed deficiency of the modern state. In the present struggle it saw only the critical struggle of philosophy against the German world; it did not give a thought to the fact that philosophy up to the present itself belongs to this world and is its completion, although an ideal one. If … It is instructive for them to see the ancien régime, which has been through its tragedy with them, playing its comedy as a German revenant. The modern ancien régime is rather only the comedian of a world order whose true heroes are dead. He turned priests into laymen because he turned laymen into priests. If, therefore, the whole German development did not exceed the German political development, a German could at the most have the share in the problems-of-the-present that a Russian has. We have been restored, firstly, because other nations dared to make revolutions, and, secondly, because other nations suffered counter-revolutions; on the one hand, because our masters were afraid, and, on the other, because they were not afraid. But, for man, the root is man himself. He freed man from outer religiosity because he made religiosity the inner man. The following exposition [a full-scale critical study of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right was supposed to follow this introduction] – a contribution to this undertaking – concerns itself not directly with the original but with a copy, with the It is, therefore, the task of history, once the other-world of truth has vanished, to establish the truth of this world. Meanwhile, a major difficulty seems to stand in the way of a radical German revolution. What, in progressive nations, is a practical break with modern state conditions, is, in Germany, where even those conditions do not yet exist, at first a critical break with the philosophical reflexion of those conditions. On the other hand, the present German regime, an anachronism, a flagrant contradiction of generally recognized axioms, the nothingness of the ancien régime exhibited to the world, only imagines that it believes in itself and demands that the world should imagine the same thing. Germany can emancipate itself from the Middle Ages only if it emancipates itself at the same time from the partial victories over the Middle Ages. This will be fulfilling an imperative need of the German nation, and the needs of the nations are in themselves the ultimate reason for their satisfaction. No class of civil society can play this role without arousing a moment of enthusiasm in itself and in the masses, a moment in which it fraternizes and merges with society in general, becomes confused with it and is perceived and acknowledged as its general representative, a moment in which its claims and rights are truly the claims and rights of society itself, a moment in which it is truly the social head and the social heart. Hence, the higher nobility is struggling against the monarchy, the bureaucrat against the nobility, and the bourgeois against them all, while the proletariat is already beginning to find itself struggling against the bourgeoisie. Its essential pathos is indignation, its essential work is denunciation. In France, partial emancipation is the basis of universal emancipation; in Germany, universal emancipation is the conditio sine qua non of any partial emancipation. The title could in fact be extended to the whole of Marx's activity as a thinker; indeed, as an embodiment of his thought it could be used to sum up his life's work. Is there in the world, for example, a country which shares so naively in all the illusions of constitutional statehood without sharing in its realities as so-called constitutional Germany? Its object is its enemy, which it wants not to refute but to exterminate. It was proofed and corrected by Andy Blunden, February 2005, and corrected by Matthew Carmody in 2009. The abolition of religion as the illusory happiness of the people is the demand for their real happiness. And once the lightning of thought has squarely struck this ingenuous soil of the people, the emancipation of the Germans into men will be accomplished. What a sight! But Germany did not rise to the intermediary stage of political emancipation at the same time as the modern nations. 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